레이블이 The Korean Wave인 게시물을 표시합니다. 모든 게시물 표시
레이블이 The Korean Wave인 게시물을 표시합니다. 모든 게시물 표시

2016년 11월 30일 수요일

술 상무

 Jamsil Island was very, very wide. When the decision was made to carry out public water reclamation works to connect the island to land to its south, it would have made sense to have the Seoul Metropolitan government carry out works instead of tendering the job to private firms.  Seoul Metropolitan submitted its application for a permit to carry out public water reclamation works on Jamsil Island to the Ministry of Construction on January 1, 1969.  The Ministry of Construction rejected this application under the following pretext: "There is a concern that should the width of the river be narrowed, such a change to the surface water profile may weaken its resistance to floods.  A further review will be undertaken following a report on the results of a hydraulic water experiment on the lower Han River basin in the Seoul Region."

Seoul Metropolitan submitted several more permit applications. They received no response to any of them. Then on August 26th, a reply to their permit application submitted on July 23, 1970, finally arrived.  "As concerns the works at hand, a private contractor would be preferred to having Seoul Metropolitan directly carry out works."  No reason was provided to the question of 'why exactly a private contractor was preferred' in the first place.  However, behind the Construction Ministry's response lay a contentious back and forth regarding the collection of so-called political funds.

During Park Chung Hee's time - which is to say throughout the 3rd and 4th republics - political funds were regularly solicited.  Korea's economic scale was much smaller then than it is today.  I also happen to know first hand that significant excesses were committed during the political fund collections - all of which had their own long term repercussions.  There was a striking feature in the way Park Chung Hee pooled political funds: he never once received anything from any business directly.

There were several channels, though.  The first was to have the Deputy Prime Minister cum Economic Planning Board Minister collect the funds. The Chaebol and large corporations we see in Korea today were basically all formed during the 3rd and 4th Republics.  Capital infusion and special interest rates, along with favorable tax schemes, were the three means by which the Chaebol developed under.  All of these measures were under the direct control of the Deputy Prime Minister cum Economic Planning Minister.  To give an example of customary practice, when large sums of capital were provided, a percentage of the funds would then be set aside to be sent up as political funds.

The second channel was to have the Chairman of the then ruling Republican Party's Finance Committee gather the funds.  I'm not sure how things operate today, but during the 3rd and 4th Republics, nearly all of the large construction works let to market by the Central Government, government-owned enterprises, and the Seoul Metropolitan Government were awarded either through privately negotiated contracts or nominated competitive tenders.  To say that there was no such thing as a normal competitive tender isn't an exaggeration.  These nominations were at the sole discretion of the Republican Party's Finance Committee Chairman.  So in practice, when a new project was ready to come to market, a percentage of political funds would be sent up. Then the size and scale of the works awarded to the various contractors would be distributed based on the amount of funds provided.  The Finance Committee Chairman would take a portion of the political funds received and send them up to the Blue House with remaining funds used to cover Party operating expenses.  Over the years, Kim Youngtae, Kim Seong-goen, Kim Jin-min and other notable figures would serve as the Finance Committee Chairman, occupying a more important role than either the Leader of the Floor or Secretary General.  Kim Youngtae was a private citizen who was a central figure in the May 16 Coup d'tat, Kim Seong-nam was the founder of Ssangyong Group, and Kim Jin-min was the founder of Dongbu Group. Hence, it's no surprise that they were the Chief Financial Operators of their party and held outsized influence.

Annual 'Rice Cake Bonuses' (떡값) at Chuseok or the end of the year were the third  channel.  These 'bonuses' were facilitated by the Chief Presidential Secretary or Chief of Security.

Outside of these channels there were times when the Head of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency or Seoul Mayor would collect and send up funds.  Of course, there was obvious competition behind the collecting and passing up of political funds in an effort to be seen as more loyal to the president.  Demarcated lines were drawn between those in the ruling elite and those who they typically used their influence on to collect the political funds.  The Economic Planning Minister would typically recieve funds from corporations, and the Republican Party Finance Committee Chairman would bring in funds from contractors.  Large corporations at that time would typically have a full-time position manned by an individual responsible for sending up these political funds, which held a rank equivalent to that of the CEO.  This person was the VP of Liquor (술 상무).

Then one day, in the second half of 1969, the Deputy Prime Minister cum Economic Planning Minister Kim Hak-legal contacted the managing directors (chairman or CEO level) of five major contractors.  The managing directors of Hyundai Construction, Daelim Industries, Geukdong Construction, Sambu Civil Works, and Donga Construction.  They were told to come to the office of the Economic Planning Minsters the next day at a certain time.  Kim Hak-leol requested a rather large political contribution from each of the five individuals (Hyundai's Chung Joo-Young; Lee Jae-June from Daelim; Kim Yong-San of Geukdong; Cho Jung-Gu of Sambu, and Donga's Choi June-Moon).

On September 14, 1969 in the 3rd annex of the National Assembly, the constitutional revision allowing a third consecutive term for Park Chung Hee was passed, with the approving public referendum taking place shortly thereafter on October 17.  In accordance with the constitutional revision, both the presidential as well as National Assembly elections were held on April 5, 1971.  During this period between 1969 and 1971, there must have been quite a need for political funds, since that would explain the Deputy Prime Minister Kim's unusual request for politcal funds to this group of contractors who were outside of his normal corporate targets.

The contractors were all opposed to the Deputy Prime Ministers request.  "We are already sending up political funds to the Republican Party Finance Committee Chairman every time we are awarded new projects.  It just isn't reasonable for the Economic Planning Minister to now request that we send up political funds to him too."  Hearing their objection, the Deputy Prime Minister proposed that in exchange for their politcal funds, they would receive the rights to the Jamsil public water reclamation works project.  If they were to block the waterway to the south side of Jamsil island, connect it with the land adjacent to it, and build up a dike along its northern border, a massive section of reclaimed land would be formed.  They would then have the right to that enormous amount of virgin land.  The five manging directors all immediately accepted the proposal and promised to send up the political funds that the Deputy Prime Ministers had requested.

 ~ An original translation
    from Volume III of Son Jung-mok's
    'The Story of Seoul's City Planning'

 Son Jung-mok: Former Director of Seoul City Planning Bureau, Internal Affairs Ministry, and Deputy Director of the National Assembly Budget Office for Planning and Management

2016년 5월 31일 화요일

Korean PC Game Rooms & Kakao Talk

What do a piece of parking lot management software, a former Samsung employee and Kakao all have in common?

A lot.

That former Samsung employee of course being Kim Bomsu.  He of course - of course -  was responsible for getting a former Seoul National University Graduate School buddy who later became a coworker at Samsung SDS to adapt a piece of software originally developed to manage paid parking lots to instead help PC Room managers keep track of individual users and how much time they spent using a machine and how much they owed.  He then of course - of course - went on to market the hell out of that software (i.e. offering it for free, of course) to every other PC Room located on the Korean Peninsula until every PC Room on the peninsula had it installed and relied on it to an insane degree.

With that platform in place, Kim Bomsu and crew created Han Game, a gaming platform made up of simple, digitized card and board games, and embedded it in the PC Room management system.  In half a year, Han Game amassed 10 million users, and it's server fees were about to bankrupt the team, but then the CEO of a fledgling web portal approached Bomsu and offered ㅇㅇㅇ won to acquire Han Game.

That CEO was ㅇㅇㅇ, also an alumnus of Seoul National University and Samsung SDS, and Naver was the web portal who at the time was fighting the twin giants of Yahoo Korea and Daum.

2014년 2월 9일 일요일

Chicks Without Dicks

What's the deal with the leitmotif of chicks pretending to be dudes in popular(?) Korean tele-dramas?

Like for reals.  Nowadays with SBS's < 잘키운 딸 하나 > or MBC's 2007 super-hit < 커피프린스 1호점 > starring 윤은혜 as well as probably a few or so other dramas that I am probably omitting, both female protagonists are compelled to conceal their gender for the sake of their entire immediate family's survival, no bullshit.  The similarities don't stop there; it never fails that there is always a hetero male lead who, despite not having a single clue that the androgynous "male" is really a female, always manages to fall madly in love despite his deeply ingrained Korean attitude to view homosexuality as both socially unacceptable and personally repulsive.

In all likelihood, this is probably not a purely Korean creation.  I am sure the Japanese thought of it first and had a more empowering story-line for women to boot.  Something along the lines of a girl who pretends to be a boy in order to gain admission to a certain prestigious all male high school, or something to that effect.  Now, why would I make such an assertion? Because I saw a Japanese porno parodying that exact plot line, that's why.¹

Ok, that said, for the sake of starting an arbitrary argument let us posit that the Korean contribution to this pseudo-social phenomenon is the creation of the 'conspicuous absence of a viable male bread winner' to serve as the plausible impetus for the gender concealment to take place in the first place.  Again, this is in direct contra-distinction to the notion of 'autonomous female empowerment' that serves as the driving factor for gender concealment in the example of the Japanese drama.

Now then, let's move beyond the fact that the shared sexual affinity to androgynous males between these two nations could serve as a potential diplomatic plank towards reconciling historic animosities; instead let's focus on what light is shed upon Korean society, it's gender politics and just because we can how about we try to make a stark connection with life in general.

Obviously the deeply engraved subordinate role of women in society is the most glaringly obvious fact made clear through such stories; to the extent that as long as a woman is seen as being a woman she is for whatever reason thought to be incapable of supporting a family.

Boring.

This issue has been brought up over and over again, with no real change unfortunately.²  It is easy to harp on the social strictures (both implicit and explicit) that reinforce the subordinate social role of Korean women: beginning with the resignation from birth that a daughter will inevitably "leave" the family to enter her future husband's family, to the "experiential points" added to men's resumes upon completion of their compulsory two year military services that potentially could give them an advantage during the interview process for a future job where applicants are "scored," all the way back to the subordinate role she will enter into after marriage to her husband's family where she will be at the mercy of her mother-in-law.

The interesting corollary to all this, however, is that any man in Korean society, regardless of how effeminate or actually feminine they either appear or act, is seen as no less a man within society at large.³  There is no denying that there are limits to how masculine a woman, especially a woman like 윤은혜 - a sex symbol if I may say myself - can hope to portray.  In the diagetic world of the drama as well, no attempt is made to deny the lack of traditional masculine signifiers when it comes to the male guise the woman is attempting to inhabit.  However, in the Korean context, as well apparently for the Japanese and most likely Chinese, it doesn't matter and moreover realism is not sacrificed because of it.

To repeat: Despite Korea's total lack of acceptance when it comes to homosexuality, straight men in Korea - because there is no alternative - have an amazing breadth and range of socially acceptable "gender personas" that they can inhabit.  No one seems to have even come close to broaching a discussion, let alone a dialogue as it pertains to this aspect nor (getting back to the Korean dramas we were briefly discussing) the love that develops between the male protagonist and the other lead character who, except for the viewer, has only been seen, thought of and interacted with as a Korean man.    

Despite all the talk in the US as of late of "equality" and "progress" in securing same-sex couples the rights that had been unceremoniously hoarded by the antediluvian union of Men & Women - and believe me I am happy that this change occurred - the one thing that hasn't changed is the incredibly narrow range of both gender and sexual orientation identifying behavior an average American is allowed to exhibit.  I am sure it has been changing, slowly, but I still get the feeling that men who for example take an interest in fashion or engage in certain grooming habits are viewed by many (both men and women?) as being "gay." Likewise, homosexual men who due to this or that gender identifier happen to strike many who see them as being "straight."  What's more, from time to time I see debates regarding "Queens" and the attention that they draw away from the other "types" of homosexual personas(?) that people self-categorize themselves into pop-up on my Facebook feed.

To be clear: labels abound in Korea regarding individuals; the difference being that no secondary sexual assumptions underlie the initial label.  Someone who is well manicured, wears tight, kinda preppy clothes is a follower of 간지 style and is thus 간지. Full Stop. This doesn't lead to an association with Metro-sexuality nor does it lead to a tertiary association with homosexuality.  Huge generalizations being made here, but given the scope of what this blog aims for in addition to time constraints, what do we have at base besides our experiences?

Experience implies eundo assequi: in latin, literally going and being underway and the attaining or getting to something along that way.  The above mentioned Korean dramas go to the (unconscious?) extreme in indicating the broad range of experiences a man can openly embody (albeit incredibly indirectly); and the man doesn't even have to be a man! Actual case in point: 하리수, a well-known Korean transgender (formerly a man) who some people label an entertainer.4 5 Now obviously there is a lot of tongue in cheek action going on here now, but there is something seriously refreshing and liberating about the fact that every member of a particular gender (unfortunately here we are only referring to Korean men) can live on a level plain without worrying about falling into the confining and segregating netherworld that sub-assumptions tend to create.

Granted, the "level plain" is more like a heavily fortified kingdom occupying a rather large body of land; with access not granted to open homosexuals most conspicuously.  Despite deeply imbedded and reinforced attitudes that de facto determine social inclusion/exclusion - or at least what we have assumed to be both deep rooted and reinforced - the lotharios in the Korean dramas we have been talking about, at least for a fleeting moment within the narrative, all witnessed those divisions evaporate instantaneously the moment they declared their unequivocal love to another man; before those arbitrary divisions appeared once more after finding out the true identity of the man they thought was their man(love).  The metaphysical implications for each and every individual on this planet, let alone a "conservative" country such as Korea, are so close and immediate that most people tend to walk past them: human society and it's effect on shaping the most basic assumptions about how we should live can disappear in an instant, with such an effect being wrought solely by the individual themselves, leaving everything completely different then it had been up until that very instant, but still unchanged at the same time.  In that moment the two characters were not man and man, nor were the man and woman; they were the Same in that they were truly autonomous individuals led not by culturally ingrained patterns, but by themselves as lead actors of their own lives.

Of course, most viewers of any mass cultural product tend to walk away with experiences vastly different from mine, let alone one another.  Even purportedly "deep thinkers" may assume a critical stance via a social/behavioural psychological critique wherein they point out how such dramas are nothing more than the product of a repressive modern society which exerts unbearable sadistic pressure on woman to the point that in pursuit of their goals, which are not actually their own but the internalized goals of men/male society, they direct destruction not only against themselves but towards their own gender as a whole and in the most drastic masochistic act possible they completely throw away their own real life in the attempt to become half of a man.  A more cursory glance may even elicit the observation that you don't see or couldn't see a drama where a man conceals his identity to become a woman let alone one where a lesbian romance resulted.  All true, and all points interesting enough to at least get you an 'A' on your next paper in you Asian Studies class.

In the end, such criticism, whilst valid, and maybe in some instances even helpful, does not seem to be a great deal different from the material is seeks to criticize, because to put it bluntly: What the fuck do they really expect to change?  The dramas that we have been talking about were made, and their plot lines recycled for no other reason than people watch them, a lot of people. And a lot of viewers means a lot of advertising revenue.  Period.  Maybe this then is the answer to why people merely offer criticisms of everything "new" based off of or supported by recycled theoretical apparatuses.  Or not.  I suspect not, actually.   Now I just hope more than a few people begin to approach thinking and open there eyes to what is and what is constantly looked over and passed by.  Maybe that's the deal with chicks pretending to be dudes on Korean television nowadays.    
       

¹ Despite my best efforts to identify the JAV (Japanese Adult Video) serial number, alas, I could turn up nothing.  However, there are a number of Japanese original creations that did apparently set off this chicks with no dicks trend.  A few notable titles include 2007's Hanazakari no Kimitachi e based on the 1996~2004 Manga entitled Hana-Kimi.  The Japanese were actually behind the Taiwanese who serialized the same manga in 2006 under the same name the Japanese used a year later while using the Chinese title 花樣少年少女 (presumably meaning the same thing).  What is more is that Korea ended up serializing the SAME manga in 2012 under the name 아름다움 그대에게.

² See here: (http://m.news.naver.com/read.nhn?mode=LSD&mid=sec&sid1=101&oid=076&aid=0002441944) and here: (http://ko.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EB%B0%95%EA%B7%BC%ED%98%9C) for notable recent exceptions, however, as nothing has notably changed in society at large, I wouldn't advise anyone to hold their breath waiting for a change to occur to the status quo.

³ (See example 1: 2am's 조원 or example 2: 광희, example 3: 이종석)

http://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harisu

5 Random fact, the current Korean word processor I am writing this entry on doesn't even recognize 'transgender' as a word.  Extrapolate amongst yourselves.